Interviewed by Frederica Jansz, The Sunday Leader
Published on 16 March, 2003
Q: In the light of what happened last Monday (10), do you still have hope in the peace process and the government?
A: This government and the peace process is the only hope for the Tamils. Once this government is dissolved or collapses then we are faced with all the chauvinistic and nationalist forces and there is no hope for a negotiated political settlement. So we are trying our level best to strengthen the hands of the government, but unfortunately the government is essentially weak because the executive powers are vested with the President. Maybe if there is an election and the Sinhala people give a new mandate to the government and if the presidency is also abolished, then there is a prospect for a permanent solution. Until such time, we have to face these challenges.
Q: What are the main issues the LTTE is focusing on for a final solution?
A: We are dealing with core issues in relation to a federal set-up. We have also set up a political affairs committee consisting of about 20 senior LTTE cadres. They will be visiting various federal countries at the end of this month. They will go to Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Spain and also the Nordic countries. The political affairs committee will embark on an exploratory mission studying various models and systems of government. This process is part of the peace process where Prof. G. L. Peiris and myself are the heads of the committee. We will engage in a discussion at the plenary session whereas this political affairs committee will visit these various countries studying and exploring various federal systems. Ultimately, we have decided to take up the essential elements of federal systems that are suited to our socio-political system and work out a framework at a later stage. As I said, the government is still not in a position to bring about a new radical constitution that would redefine the nature of Sri Lankan politics.
There are far reaching political implications involved. So, what we can do is to continue to discuss and work out a framework. But this will need time. We also need time to educate our cadres, to transform our cadres from a military point of view to an authentic political organisation. I believe they will gain experience and knowledge from these study tours and this will help later to create a new constitution. The LTTE will also consult the Tamil MPs on this matter and also the academics. We have to have a wider participation from the Tamil people in the process of constitution making. As Chandrika expects, Prof. Peiris and myself cannot perform miracles. These are far reaching political reforms that we are talking about.
In 1994, the President submitted a constitutional reforms proposal which was nothing but a skeleton without any essential devolution or sharing of power. We will not accept her offer as a federal constitution. It may have some concepts like indivisible union of regions…, but that sentence does not give the entire constitution a federal structure. A federal constitution must be authentic with clear-cut federal features.
At present, Ranil Wickremesinghe does not have the necessary parliamentary majority to bring about a new constitution and we will never accept the present constitution, because the present constitution is a majoritarian constitution and it never had the endorsement of the Tamil people. Any form of amendments to the current constitution will not be acceptable by the Tamils. It will take time, it will take patient work. But at the same time, there should be a consensus of opinion in the south. The Sinhala south is divided. There are emerging political forces, which are opposed to peace and a negotiated political settlement, maybe even opposed to a new constitution. One that would offer some radical regional autonomy to the Tamils. So, we are not that hopeful or optimistic. But at the same time, we have to make a sincere effort and impress upon the international community that the Tamil people are genuine.
Q: What in your view would be a basic concept for a federal solution?
A: The concept of a territorial unit is fundamental for a federal solution. Universally it is a common feature in every federal model. There has to be a territorial unit. As far as the Tamils are concerned, we have a historically constituted territory consisting of northern and eastern provinces. We are not calling it particularly as a Tamil homeland, but as a Tamil-speaking homeland where we want to embrace the Muslim community along with us. So the contiguous Tamil territorial unit is a fundamental aspect of any federal solution. If the Sinhalese are not prepared to accept it then there won’t be a federal solution.
Ultimately, then there won’t be a negotiated political solution. So it is up to the Sinhalese people. I like to offer Tamils a substantial autonomy in their homeland or to create objective conditions for seccesion and the formation of a Tamil independent state. It is up to the Sinhalese. We are determined to pursue this process to convince the world that we are genuine and sincere. The chauvinistic Sinhalese like the JVP and MEP have to be very careful. They have to create a political party that would accept and understand the genuine grievances of the Tamils and come out with some practical solutions. Otherwise, it will lead to chaos or the division of the island.
Q: Would you insist from the government that the armed forces withdraw from the north and east, so Tamils can go back to their ancestral lands?
A: We are not demanding for the armed forces to withdraw from the north and east. But we are asking for the military to create space for our people to go back and live in their own homes and villages, which is an undisputed right of our people.
Q: You have consistently been accusing President Chandrika Kumaratunga of trying to rock the boat and destabilise the peace process. Since the President is here to stay, what hope is there for the peace talks if you maintain the government does not have sufficient clout to implement the modalities of a federal system?
A: As far as the peace process or the negotiations are concerned, they are going on smoothly without any serious disruption. Of course there have been ups and downs and problems, but we have been able to sort it out through discussion. The last five sessions of negotiations have gone smoothly and we have achieved some substantial results. But what is problematic is the ground situation where we have to maintain a ceasefire. To maintain a ceasefire there has to be cordial relations between the armed forces of both sides and also some form of understanding, goodwill and trust. Unfortunately, this is where we have encountered some problems because there is still mistrust, suspicion and hostility between the armed forces, particularly between sections of the navy and LTTE cadres. This is exploited I would say by the interference of the President. Sometimes, when we get into some difficulty, we appeal to Ranil’s administration to sort out problems, but he is unable to do so because overriding authority is vested with the President.
Q: So President Chandrika Kumaratunga is the stumbling block in this peace process?
A: Who organised the massive mass protest against the peace process in Colombo last Monday? The SLFP and the JVP. The SLFP is the political party of the President. So you cannot say the President is totally free from any accusation when her own party is involved in a massive protest against peace. This is clear manifestation that the President’s political party is involved in a mass protest against the peace process.
Q: What hope is there then for the peace process? Aren’t you talking with government negotiators who do not have the power or authority to see this through?
A: That is our problem. We are now suggesting that even though the President has the executive authority and can create difficulties, we want the government and the LTTE as the principle parties in the conflict to give some authority to the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) to make a final determination when there is a problem. Already in the truce agreement there are certain clauses which lend some authority to the SLMM. But in practice, the armed forces do not abide by that obligation. When we discussed this issue with the outgoing and present chief of the SLMM, we insisted and argued that the SLMM should be given this authority to make a final decision since there is a lack of trust and goodwill in the armed forces. And that the President wields extraordinary authority and the government is weak in making decisions. There is no other way out of this present dilemma. We don’t want to enter into war with Sri Lanka. We have to be patient but these provocations are going on and on and it is going to disrupt the cordial atmosphere of the peace process.
On the other hand, we have great respect for people like Prof. Peiris and Milinda Moragoda because they are remarkable gentlemen committed to peace. We are pleased to be dealing with them. We also respect Ranil Wickremesinghe because he is heavily committed to the peace process as well. Apart from that, we don’t have any trust with the other political parties and their leaders.
Q: Would you like to see Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe take over as president?
A: Of course we will welcome it if he becomes president after Chandrika. There is no hope for the Tamils and Sinhalese if Ranil does not become president.
Q: When you talk about a federal solution, will this fall short of your claim for Tamil Eelam or include the concept of a separate state or homeland for the Tamil people?
A: When we say homeland, we only mean a territory where the Tamils and Muslims live. We are not calling for an independent state. What we mean is that for every federal model and system like India and Tamil Nadu where the Tamil people have lived for centuries, similarly in Sri Lanka, the northeastern region is a territorial unit where the Tamils and Muslims have lived for centuries. We want an autonomous territorial region for the minority community given an adequate share of power between that particular region and the center. This is what we mean by a federal arrangement. We are not asking for an independent separate state. But what we say is even if that is denied to us and we are constantly subjected to a genocidal operation what can we do? We either have to embrace total destruction or we have to fight for political independence. So it is up to the Sinhalese people to understand the plight of the Tamils and give us some regional autonomy in our territory where we have lived for centuries. This is our land.
Q: When you talk about separate autonomy, does this mean such a set-up will not be answerable or come under the jurisdiction of the center?
A: No. When a federal system is worked out, there will be a center and there will be regions. The Tamils and Muslims will be represented both in the center and in the regions. Therefore, there will be unity among diversity.
Q: But you will govern under your own laws? You opened another court in Kilinochchi. Does this mean you will not come under the laws by which Sri Lanka is governed?
A: Within a federal autonomy there will be regional courts for the Tamils, regional police for the Tamils and regional administration for the Tamils. The north and east will become a federal unit where the Tamils will have their own administration, own judicial system, own police, which is linked to the rest of Sri Lanka and where you will have the center and regions sharing power. This is what we mean. So these courts of law and the Tamil police system will continue to function with recognition by the center. Therefore, we will get legitimacy from the Sinhalese people to run our own administration.
Q: Will your courts run differently to the judicial system in the south? For example, will the punishments be more severe?
A: There will be small changes like the Thesavalamai law. It is the traditional law of the Tamil people. This law is the property law practised in Jaffna for the last so many centuries. Even when Jaffna is under the administration of the Sri Lankan state they accept the Thesavalam law. It is through that law that property arrangements can be worked out among the Tamils. Similarly, the Muslims have their own laws in the east. The Sri Lankan government has accepted the traditional laws of the Tamils, Muslims and Kandyan law. A federal system will allow the Tamil people to have their own regional autonomy in their regions. At present, the government won’t accept this new court of law. But once a federal system is worked out, the government will accept this court of law which is only linked to the judicial administration of the whole of Sri Lanka.
Q: There is a general theory that the LTTE is continuing to negotiate with the government due to pressure from the international community. Is this true?
A: The international community wants both parties to abandon the military option and work out a solution that will create a better understanding between the Sinhalese and the Tamils where a federal model is suited for both parties to co-exist. Undeniably, it is due to pressure coming from the international community that we are negotiating. We don’t deny that. At the same time, there is growing realisation among the Tamils and the Sinhalese that a military option will destroy both communities and the entire Sri Lanka. So the better way, the rational and civilised way is to negotiate through peaceful means and work out a civilised political system acceptable to the Tamils and Sinhalese as well as to the international community by which both parties can co-exist. There is no hidden agenda or conspiracy. These are the fantasies of the Marxist as well as chauvinists in the south. But the Tamil people are very clear. They are united and they are demanding a fair and justifiable solution.
Q: How could you guarantee a peace that is not only for the military and the LTTE, but one that is sustainable for the people as well?
A: The ceasefire has brought an end to armed confrontation. It has brought about the cessation of hostilities. But an authentic peace and normalcy has not yet been achieved. When we say peace, it must be based on justice – a permanent peace based on an ultimate solution addressing the political problems faced by the Tamil people. A peace that is based on mutual trust and understanding. We have to work hard to achieve that peace – a peace which will bring this problem to an end and there will never be a recourse to violence. The Tamil people even now don’t feel that sense of relief or real sense of peace. It might take a long time for both parties to work out their differences by which we can realise this authentic peace, which is crucial to the co-existence of the Tamils, Muslims and the Sinhalese people.
Q: What are your comments about the LTTE continuing to recruit child soldiers?
A: This has been a major problem. In the east it has been a serious problem and the leadership of the LTTE has taken action to put an end to the recruitment of children below the age of 18. We have made public announcements, I have also blamed some of our cadre for recruiting underage children. We have taken some serious action against cadres who have been involved in such activity and that includes some of our senior cadres as well. Recently, because of the mounting international pressure, we decided in collusion with UNICEF, to work out an action plan to put a permanent end to the recruitment of underage children. We have also decided to release all those who are underage. Thamilchelvan has let free about 400 underage children in the last few months with a complete list of names and addresses. We also have problems. The children come to us from very poor families seeking food, shelter and clothing. This is an enormous economic burden on the movement. We have been pleading with the Tamil diaspora to give us some funds to run our orphanages and welfare centers. We have now made the same request from UNICEF.
Q: But even in the Wanni and in other areas of the north and east, I have seen many LTTE cadres who look very young and can be seen carrying guns and walking on the road. Will they also be returned under this programme?
A: Every Tiger camp has been instructed to check whether there are children. Unfortunately, a lot of them do not have birth certificates, as they were born in LTTE controlled areas. Then there is this problem of malnutrition where when you see a person he or she maybe 18 years old, but looks 15. There are several cases like that while there are others who lie to us about their age. When we send them back home they come back. This is a perpetual tragedy. We really don’t want them. To tell you the truth, we have enough cadres already. In the course of time, if a solution is worked out, we have to transform these guerillas into some useful political cadres or we have to put them into vocational training and transform them into non-combatants. This is going to be a difficult process for us. Of course we need to have people for the police. We also need to maintain an armed force until such time we get a permanent solution because that will be our bargaining power at the negotiating table. So we don’t want to disband, dismantle or decommission our armed forces.
Q: Are you satisfied with the manner in which the UNP is campaigning for a peaceful resolution?
A: No. The UNP is not conducting an effective campaign for peace. Everybody is sleeping over there, I don’t know why. They should be more pro-active, impressing upon the Sinhala masses the importance of peace and a peaceful settlement. After all, the prosperity of the country depends on the continuance of peace and building up good relations with the Tamil people. The venomous campaign by the JVP and SLFP is racist and irrational, the UNP leadership has to fight back and mobilise their people. Otherwise this country will plunge into social chaos and these forces will again start the war and the country will fall into destruction.